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Vie de l'église

Millions of Kenyans’ lives have…

It is around 11 a.m. in the remote Kisoso village in southern Kenya’s Kajiado County, about 100 kilometers south of the capital Nairobi. The scorching sun has just begun wreaking havoc as dry winds blow violently with no traces of rain in sight.

Noor Lenku, a livestock farmer, sits on the skull of one of his dead cows just outside his hut, talking to himself as he observes heaps of skeletons of other animals that succumbed to the deadly drought conditions a few months ago.

With one hand on his left cheek, Lenku, 58, looks lonely and depressed. He has survived three days without food. Eventually, he looks up in the sky and says, « These are the last times. No living thing will survive in this world, we will all perish just like our livestock. Nature has no human face. »

Lenku is one among an estimated 4.2 million Kenyans whose lives have been devastated by a relentless and punishing drought that has lasted close to two years and has triggered food insecurity, livestock deaths and conflicts among communities.

The drought, the worst in four decades in the Horn of Africa, has been linked to climate change, as rising temperatures have joined record-low rainfall throughout the region. Other factors, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have exacerbated the hunger crisis and conflicts. In Kenya’s eastern region, Somali herders driving hundreds of camels and goats have engaged in a fight with farmers in Kitui County for allowing their animals to feed on crops as they search for water and pasture.

It is these conditions — consequences of climate change — that face Kenya and other African nations as world leaders converge in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, for COP27, the latest United Nations climate change conference.

Organizations including Catholic churches, humanitarian agencies, individuals and the Kenyan government have taken steps to supply food rations, fodder and clothes to thousands of drought-stricken families like Lenku’s. A father of eight, he has been left at home with his wife and three youngest children while others have moved with their remaining livestock in search of food, water and pasture.

In May, the Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops launched a drought appeal initiative to help families affected by hunger in 14 Catholic dioceses of East Africa. The initiative targeted to raise about $2.5 million. The church in September started disbursement of food rations in various parts of the country to people facing hunger, malnutrition and loss of livelihood.

« The Catholic Church has started distributing food rations to the victims of hunger, » Nairobi Archbishop Philip Anyolo told EarthBeat. « And I want also to appeal to both individuals and organizations to respond as fast they can to [the] hunger crisis by providing relief food to the affected families. »

Anyolo mentioned Marsabit, Kitui, Garissa, Wajir and Lodwar as the worst-hit areas where the church has started supplying food donations. Families in some of these areas have turned to wild fruits, grass and roots for survival. Anyolo urged fellow Kenyans to support each other however they can.

« Let us embrace the spirit of sharing whatever small we have in terms of food stuff to save our brothers and sisters who are starving in various parts of the country, » the archbishop said.

Economically, livestock keepers have been among the most affected by the calamity, as thousands of their animals have already succumbed to the drought, marking huge losses for ranchers.

In Kajiado County, for example, a mature emaciated cow that normally sold for $500 or more when healthy is now being sold for $15, making the enterprise unprofitable for many.

Before the drought, Lenku had more than a hundred head of cattle, but most have now died. Others he has had to sell at below-market prices in order to get money to buy food for his family. As for the remaining herd, Lenku says they will soon die if rain does not begin to fall.

« I’ve sold [the] majority of my animals at throwaway prices and others have succumbed to the drought since the beginning of the year, » Lenku said. « We’ve not experienced such drought in many years. It has cost us a lot. »

« All my wealth is gone, I have nothing, » he added. « My family has gone for a week without food and water. My children are now malnourished. We will all die if it continues like this. »

Like Lenku, many livestock keepers in the country have come face to face with the vagaries brought by climate change.

Joseph Kapejo, director of the National Environmental Management Authority in Kajiado County, said one of the few ways residents can avoid huge livestock losses as the drought persists is to minimize the number of animals they are keeping. Large cattle herds can lead to other environmental problems, he said, such as overgrazing that leaves soil vulnerable to erosion and contributing to climate change through the release of methane gases.

A huge parcel of land that Lenku’s community depends upon to feed their livestock is now brown and dusty, a far cry from the pure green pasture with water-filled pans that it once was. The dry winds that start from the ground blow almost constantly, with their dusty gales carrying clothes, plastic, papers and other light materials into the sky. Herders must tighten up their shuka (traditional clothing of the Masai people) or risk being exposed. Thickets have gone dry, too, making the area vulnerable to wildfires.

« It is bad, » Lenku summarizes.

« I have never experienced a drought like this. The ground is too hot, not even an insect can survive in the soil, » he said, adding that walking around with bare feet « feels like stepping on a hot metal. »

‘My family has gone for a week without food and water. My children are now malnourished. We will all die if it continues like this.’

—Livestock farmer Noor Lenku

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According to Kenya Red Cross Society, 23 of Kenya’s 47 counties are facing hunger, with 13 at severe risk and in dire need of relief and food.

The search for food, water and pasture has led thousands of students to leave schools, another blow to an education system still trying to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. In the counties of Samburu and Marsabit, more than 13,000 pupils are struggling to stay in school, while 2,000 others have already dropped out, as have 1,000 in Kajiado.

Peter Bita, Kajiado County director of education, said that the drought has interrupted learning for thousands of Kenyan pupils as the government continues to work to normalize the academic calendar that has been disrupted by the pandemic.

In July, the Kenyan Red Cross reported that about 800,000 children, most of them below the age of 5, suffer malnutrition. The organization warned that figure might rise as the situation continues deteriorating.

And according to a Sept. 28 report on food insecurity, 884,000 children aged 6-59 months face acute malnourishment, and nearly 116,000 pregnant or lactating women are acutely malnourished. Both figures are slight declines since a June report.

Upward of 4.35 million people face food insecurity and need humanitarian assistance, according to an October report from Kenya’s National Drought Management Authority, an increase of nearly 1 million since February. It added that the drought situation continues to worsen in 20 of the 23 arid and semi-arid counties.

Across the Horn of Africa, upward of 22 million people face food shortages.

In June, the drought monitoring agency expressed « grave concerns » with elevated risks of a fifth below-average rainy season in the final three months of the year after four consecutive failed rainy seasons.

Already, the drought and hunger crisis has forced nearly 1 million people in Kenya and Somalia to leave their homes in search of sustenance, according to the International Red Cross.

Hussein Alio, Kajiado County director for the National Drought Management Authority, lamented that most of the families in Kajiado have fallen back into extreme poverty, leaving some to beg for help on the streets.

In Lenku’s view, countries that have produced the most greenhouse gases should compensate for the severe losses faced in Kenya. He said that COP27 should invite people like them who live in regions most impacted by climate change to come and give testimonies, instead of hosting the rich who have never come face to face with ravages of an acceleratingly warming world.

« People like us, we’re the ones [who are] supposed to attend such a summit. … We have lost our livelihoods and we’re now poor, » he said.

Catégories
Vie de l'église

Although some races are still too…

The basic law of midterm politics is simple: The party that controls the White House has a rough election. In 2018, the Democrats captured the House. In 2010, Republicans flipped House 63 seats and seven Senate seats. In 2002, the GOP gained seats in both chambers even while George W. Bush was in the White House, but that election occurred in the shadow of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It was the exception that proves the rule.

On the other hand, it shouldn’t be difficult to defeat a political party that is unwilling to denounce a violent mob that attempted an insurrection on January 6, 2021. The GOP nominated many candidates because of their fealty to former President Donald Trump, and many of them proved not ready for prime time.

In the days leading up to yesterday’s midterms, the polling pointed to a Republican wave. Democrats were fearing the worst, losing control of both chambers decisively, perhaps losing a few seats that were not even on people’s radar screens.

Instead, it looks like the results are a jump ball. Democrats picked off some GOP-held seats, and Republicans won some Democratic seats, but it seems likely the GOP will control the House, with all that portends. As the final votes are counted today, and in the days ahead, the only certainty is that neither party can claim a nationwide mandate.

One of the most important results came from Florida. The classic swing state – remember the hanging chads in 2000? – has become a solid Republican state. Gov. Ron DeSantis and Sen. Marco Rubio cruised to re-election, even winning Miami-Dade County, once the backbone of Democratic victories in the Sunshine state. With 30 electoral college votes, Florida has overtaken New York as the third largest electoral delegation. One wonders what the Democratic Party in Florida has been doing the past few years?

DeSantis’ dominant victory sets up a fascinating civil war within the GOP. Trump labeled the Florida governor “Ron DeSanctimonious” and also told Fox News Digital, “I would tell you things about him that won’t be very flattering – I know more about him than anybody – other than, perhaps, his wife.” There is no love lost between the two and it is difficult to imagine a fight between them not descending into a bloodbath in which both candidates think they need to out-extreme the other.

That prospect should not mask a more troubling development for Democrats. 69% of Miami-Dade’s residents are Hispanic and DeSantis and Rubio won the county with 55% of the vote. In Texas, Republicans also picked up a Democratic House seat when Monica De La Cruz won that state’s 15th congressional district. If Republicans can find ways to translate their victories with Latinos in Florida nationwide, there is no way for the Democrats to win national elections. Full stop.

Interestingly, one Democratic Latino congressman who won last night’s general election was Rep. Henry Cuellar, the only pro-life Democrat left in Congress. He won the general election by a larger margin than he won his primary. In the primary, a pro-choice challenger forced Cuellar into a runoff which he narrowly won. The lesson? Being ultra-progressive on social issues may not be the best way to secure the Latino vote.

This summer, some liberal commentators and political strategists thought the Supreme Court’s abortion decision might provide a path to victory for the Democrats. According to the Washington Post, the party had spent $103 million on ads about abortion through October 25, while Republicans spent $50 million on ads about inflation and the economy and a similar amount on ads about crime. According to a different, more recent survey from AdImpact, Democratic ad spending on abortion is at $230 million.

It will take some time to figure out in which races that spending proved decisive. Although constitutional amendments protecting abortion were approved in Vermont, California and Michigan (with Kentucky’s too close to call), it is worth noting that GOP governors who signed restrictive abortion laws, such as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, won convincingly.

“When you’re talking about abortion every day and folks are out there filling up their gas and going to the grocery store,” Matt Wolking, a Republican strategist, told the Post, “for voters there’s a disconnect.” 

Former President Barack Obama figured out how to overcome the disconnect and talk about the economy in the week before the election. “Inflation is a real problem right now,” Obama told a campaign rally in Nevada, pointing out that the problem is worldwide. “So you see, gas prices going up, grocery prices going up – that takes a bite out of your paycheck. It’s no joke. It hurts. The question, though, you should be asking is – who’s going to actually try to do something about it?”

He went on to discuss GOP plans to change Social Security from an entitlement to a standard government program. That’s how Democrats connect with voters during a sour economy

The disconnect between campaign messages and voters’ concerns has stalked campaigns since I worked on two of them in 2004. Unimaginative campaign consultants steer candidates away from discussing issues that don’t poll well. That makes sense, within limits. The limit should be obvious but apparently is not: If the other side is the only one talking about issue X, voters are going to get only one side of the story. This happened in 2010, when Republicans were the only ones talking about the Affordable Care Act. Journalist Amy Sullivan wrote a devastating article about the scandal of campaign consultancies 17 years ago, but I haven’t seen any changes.

Pennsylvania yielded one of last night’s most stunning results. Lt. Gov. John Fetterman defeated TV-doctor Mehmet Oz. Exit polls indicated that voters were split on whether or not Fetterman’s stroke would impede his ability to represent Pennsylvania in the Senate effectively. But a significantly larger majority indicated that Oz was unfit to represent Pennsylvania because he had lived in New Jersey until recently. The defeat of GOP gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano, who was present at the January 6, 2021 insurrection, demonstrates the evening’s most obvious lesson: Lousy candidates have trouble winning.

In the races I was watching in the House – RI-2, CT-5, VA-7 – only CT-5 was too close to call. Democrats held on in the other two. In the Senate, Maggie Hassan held on in New Hampshire and, as I head for bed, the Nevada Senate contest has not been called.

It is a good thing for the country that there is no way to interpret last night’s results as any kind of a victory for Trump. The American people rejected as many of his acolytes as they elected, and the party from which he demanded obedience failed to create the wave they could taste just the day before. Democrats, too, have much to ponder, especially the fact that the GOP has continued to make inroads among Latino voters in two of the nation’s largest states. And the country remains profoundly divided with no political figure emerging as the kind of person who could overcome those divisions.

Catégories
Vie de l'église

While some conservative Catholics…

Catholic News Service has done a wonderful thing, collecting commentary from those who participated in the Second Vatican Council and producing a 48-minute video. My favorite story came from Cardinal Paul Poupard, who had been a theological adviser at the council. He recalled someone approaching Boston Cardinal Richard Cushing, « who was known to have a knack for scaring up money. » They asked him to pay for simultaneous translation so people could understand New York Cardinal Francis Spellman. Cushing reportedly replied, « It’s not worth it; we don’t understand him even when he’s speaking American. »

Not every day I get to recommend an article at EWTN’s National Catholic Register, but Carlo Lancellotti of the College of Staten Island has a wonderful reflection on a key spiritual insight he draws from the late Fr. Luigi Giussani, one we all should recognize as we proceed down the path of synodality. We do not overcome differences by finding a compromise, but instead we overcome polarization by going deeper, until we find common ground in the « event » of Jesus Christ.

This week, after the conclusion of this bruising political fight we call the midterms, the 26th annual Festival of Faiths will kick off in Louisville, Kentucky. This year’s theme is « Sacred Stories: Contemplation and Connection » and many of the talks will be livestreamed. To learn more, go to its website.

From « Go, Rebuild My House, » the church reform blog published by Sacred Heart University, David Gibson, director of the Center on Religion and Culture at Fordham University, tackles some of the conservative critiques of the synodal process.

The Washington Post’s Ruth Marcus, deputy editorial page editor, writes about « The tragedy of John Roberts, » cataloging the myriad ways the chief justice of the United States is no longer leading « the Roberts court » in any meaningful way. The three justices appointed by Donald Trump have pulled the court to the right of the very conservative chief justice. Marcus musters more sympathy for Roberts than I do: His rulings on guns, voting and labor issues turned me into an opponent, no matter how much he now complains about the need to protect the integrity of the court.

« A deluge of radio spots and mailers targeting transgender children is hitting swing-state voters as part of a broad ad campaign directed by prominent Trump administration alums, » begins a news story at Politico. Except the ads do not target children. They target politicians and LGBT activists who insist that no one question the advisability of allowing teenagers to make decisions that are biologically irrevocable. I understand that this kind of reductionistic thinking is prevalent in academic circles. But it has no place in a newsmagazine.

Relatedly, on « 60 Minutes, » Bill Whitaker had a great segment on the way social media rewards extreme positions. Much of this is on the right, and it is ugly, but the episode that stood out involved Ronald Sullivan, a Black Harvard law professor who was hounded from his post as academic dean of Winthrop House after he joined Harvey Weinstein’s legal defense team. Here was a teaching moment, when administrators could explain that the constitutional right to effective counsel is an enormous cultural achievement, a check on the long history of the powerful bringing charges against the powerless. But a student complained Sullivan’s presence on Weinstein’s team was « deeply trauma-inducing » for victims of sexual assault. Everyone should sympathize with victims of sexual assault, but should we be turning over the keys to the courthouse? Or the college?

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La chaine de KOFC

Knights Support Community in Puerto Rico After Hurricane Fiona

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Madre Teresa: No Hay Amor Más Grande

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Florida Knights Support Community After Hurricane Ian

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Vie de l'église

Election Day is Nov. 8. If you’re…

Tomorrow is Election Day, and if the polls are to be believed, the Democrats are in for a drubbing. According to FiveThirtyEight as of Nov. 4, control of the Senate is still up for grabs but the GOP wins the House in 84 of 100 statistical scenarios.

Mind you, I remember vividly going to FiveThirtyEight’s website late afternoon on Election Day in 2016 and then-Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton was winning something like a 91 out of 100 statistical scenarios. In Ohio, pollsters had the presidential candidates running within the margin of error going into both the 2016 and 2020 elections, but Donald Trump carried the Buckeye State by more than 8 points both times. Polling errors, at least since 1948, have made Democrats think they were doing better than they actually were, and the actual results were more favorable to Republican candidates.

Still, the numbers appear daunting and one number stands out about all the rest. $64.10. That is what it cost to fill up my car the other day. It was around $55 a month ago.

So, tomorrow night, if you are trying to figure out if the polling is correct or if the Democrats will somehow manage to hold on to one or both chambers of Congress, here are some contests I will be looking at early in the evening.

Polls close early — at 7 p.m. — in both Georgia and Virginia. The Georgia Senate race pits incumbent Sen. Raphael Warnock against former football player and Republican candidate Herschel Walker. FiveThirtyEight pegs this as the contest most likely to decide which party controls the chamber.

If the race is close, and we have no winner until Wednesday or Thursday, then maybe the GOP wave will not be as high as some fear. If the networks call Georgia for Walker before midnight, the Democrats are not going to maintain control of the Senate.

Virginia’s 7th Congressional District is a classic swing district, stretching from the suburbs of Richmond to the exurbs of Fredericksburg. It was in GOP hands since 1971, but in 2014, an outsider, libertarian candidate, David Brat, upset House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the primary and went on to win the general election.

In 2018, Democratic candidate Abigail Spanberger narrowly defeated Brat, and went on to win reelection in 2020. A former CIA officer, Spanberger leans into her centrism, even voting against Nancy Pelosi for Speaker in 2019. If she holds on, the night might not be as dismal as Democrats fear. If she loses in a narrow contest, it will be a long night. If she gets clobbered, the Democrats are in deep trouble.

Here in Connecticut, the 5th Congressional District pits incumbent Democratic Rep. Jahana Hayes against Republican George Logan. The district covers the northwest of the state, with old manufacturing cities that have seen better days like Waterbury and Meriden, as well as affluent towns like Kent and Litchfield. Democrats have held the seat since Republican Nancy Johnson lost in 2006. The only New England Republican in Congress currently is Maine Sen. Susan Collins. If Logan wins CT-5, you can bet the Republican wave will be big.

Another New England congressional seat that Republicans might win for the first time in a long time is next door in Rhode Island’s 2nd Congressional District. There, former Cranston Mayor Republican Allan Fung is giving state treasurer, Democrat Seth Magaziner, a run for his money to succeed Rep. Jim Langevin, who is retiring. Fung is just the kind of moderate Republican who was once common in New England politics: Think Prescott Bush, Lowell Weicker and John and Lincoln Chafee. I had to drive to the Italian deli in Providence the other day, and the lawn signs were evenly divided. So are the polls. If Fung wins, it will be a good night for the GOP.

In New Hampshire, a new poll from St. Anselm College’s Institute of Politics showed Republican challenger Don Bolduc with a 1-point lead over incumbent Democratic Sen. Maggie Hassan. One month ago, the same poll had Hassan up by 6 points. The closeness of this race is especially upsetting because Democrats spent heavily during the GOP primary to make sure Bolduc, the most extreme, Trumpian candidate in the race, won the nomination. He did. The Democratic strategy was cynical, to be sure, but it was also risky, as I explained in July. If Bolduc makes it to the Senate, the Democrats will have only themselves to blame.

As the night progresses, I will be paying close attention to voting patterns in south Texas where Trump did quite well in 2020, and where the GOP has mounted a strong effort to win Latino voters. This year, Republicans are also trying to reach out to Hispanics in Texas’ major urban centers, emphasizing the fact that the economy is in bad shape and Democrats are pushing a cultural agenda far to the left of most Latino voters.

And, in Nevada, Latinos will be decisive in the contest between incumbent Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortes Masto, the first Latina in the U.S. Senate, and Republican challenger and former state attorney general Adam Laxalt. The race is very close.

Those are some of the races I will be watching especially closely tomorrow night. This election could scarcely be more important given the number of election deniers on the ballot. Democrats will need to defy gravity to hold on to either chamber, and it sure looks like it will be a good night for Republicans.

Margins will matter. Think of the power West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin has been able to exercise over the Democratic agenda because the chamber was evenly split. If the GOP takes control of the House and the margin is small, could someone like Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene exercise similar control over the Republican agenda? If the Democrats hang on to the Senate, how will Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema position herself for her 2024 reelection bid? Elections have consequences but, first, we need to find out who wins!

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Vie de l'église

Mamie Till’s decision to have an…

The life of Emmett Till ended with a lie. 

There have been discrepancies over the decades about what was alleged to have transpired that fateful day in Chicago, Illinois, when a 14-year-old Black boy crossed paths with a white woman. He whistled at her; he said something slick at her; he assaulted her. 

But at the end of the day, it was all a lie. Even before the damning revelation directly from Carolyn Bryant — the white woman in question — would come out about her recanting her allegations while noting that there was « nothing that boy did could ever justify what happened to him, » it was always a lie. 

There’s always been something painfully unremarkable about Till’s death that’s informed Black people’s intuition on the truth of the matter. How many Black boys before and since his murder have we heard of losing their own life after being caught on the wrong side of a white woman’s tears? His death and the depraved, perverse pleasure the men who carried out his killing took into maiming Till’s body, and their inevitable acquittal read like a retread of current events. 

So what was it about Till’s death that nearly 70 years after his murder, his name still conjures strong emotions? Accounts of his murder are passed down to each generation of Black children like a dark inheritance. (I myself was just 13 when I was first told this horror story.) Much like the many Black boys who have been robbed of their lives by white supremacy, power has been posthumously given to Till. His spirit has been exhumed and restored to a state of cultural immortality. 

The recently released film « Till » is the latest in the excavation of the late teen’s life, this time from the perspective of his mother, Mamie Till-Mobley (Danielle Deadwyler). who dedicated her life to activism after her son’s death. Mamie famously insisted on having an open casket funeral, forcing the world to see what it had done to her son.

« Till » follows Mamie’s turn to activism. The role of the mother in the movement has become a vital figure within the post-Black Lives Matter era, as the mothers of state violence victims turn their grief into a journey of being coerced into mining their children’s death for moral importance. Mamie’s actions, however, were unprecedented. 

The film does its best to capture the weight of Mamie’s decision, focusing less on the brutality and gore of the events that transpired and more on Mamie’s life following the tragic events. There’s been continued discourse on the responsibility of artists when depicting the horrors of white supremacy and the line between telling the truth and overindulging in showing the blood and the guts of racism. The recent Netflix series « Monster: The Jeffrey Dahmer story« , which depicts the crimes of the infamous serial killer that disproportionately targeted queer Black and brown men, has been heavily criticized with even members of some of the victims’ family condemning the series for its glorification of Dahmer. 

Broad resistance to depictions of the brutality of white supremacy in the name of Black joy, flattens Blackness in the same way many critics have said endless portrayals of violence does. 

Even in our efforts to keep Till’s memory alive, we often render him into a mere symbol — static, permanently fixed as inanimate in our collective memory. Till’s name has been invoked often as a rhetorical device, used euphemistically to talk about Black boys who have been caught on the wrong side of a white woman’s tears. His lynching has been credited with kickstarting what would become the civil rights movement. 

Mamie’s decision to have an open casket was a reminder to the world that there was a life that used to animate her son’s body. Before his head had been beaten and swollen beyond recognition, there was a shy boyish smile that used to stretch across Till’s face. He was a 14-year-old who loved and was loved. Emmett was no martyr. He was Mamie’s son.

Catégories
Vie de l'église

Pencil Preaching for Sunday,…

“God is the God of the living” (Luke 20:38).

Thirty-Second Sunday in Ordinary Time

2 Mc 7:1-2, 9-14; Ps 172; Thes 2:16-3:5; Lk 20:27-38

When people talk theology, they are often talking about something else. In the case of Sadducees who challenge Jesus in today’s Gospel on whether there is an afterlife, they are actually defending their selfish way of life.

The Sadducees were a Jewish party made up of the wealthy, aristocratic classes who ran the Temple. They were biblical fundamentalists who rejected any ideas not contained in the Torah, the written law of Moses, including belief in resurrection (see today’s first reading from 2 Maccabees).

Because there was no afterlife, they saw their wealth as a reward in this life for their righteousness. This assumption allowed them to enjoy their wealth while ignoring the poor, who were supposedly being punished for their sinfulness.

Another possible example of the Sadducees is found in Luke’s parable of the rich man who neglected Lazarus, a poor beggar on his doorstep (Luke 16:19-31). When he dies and discovers that there is an afterlife and judgment for his selfishness, he begs Abraham to send Lazarus to warn his five brothers, an allusion to the five books of the Law, which the Sadducees used to justify their neglect of the poor.

So, when the Sadducees argue against resurrection with the ludicrous and dismissive example of a poor woman married to seven brothers to fulfill their need for an heir to extend their legacy in this world, they are really arguing to protect their social standing and wealth without accountability to social justice in the community. Jesus’ example and teaching on this issue must have challenged their theology and the selfishness it justified.

Jesus clearly held that because God’s promise of life transcends our earthly sojourn, we are all tied to one another in love and justice and must care for one another with compassion. When this world passes away, including procreation to ensure continuation of human life, what will remain is the community of justice and love made up of the children of God.

Therefore, we belong to one another and are all in this together as beings destined for eternal life. Now is the time to invest in the relationships that will extend beyond this world into the next, where we will be judged not by our status, our wealth or our theology but by our commitment to justice and love.

The joy of resurrection is the sobering surprise that confronts the Sadducees, and us, if we also fail to see our responsibility for one another in this world. Compassion here is preparation for the Beloved Community to come, where our essential unity with all our brothers and sisters will be revealed as we take our place with the risen Christ.

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La chaine de KOFC

Supreme Knight Urges Participation in Annual March for Life

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